An empire that never dies: France’s continued rule over New Caledonia
On May 15, 2024, the French government unveiled a controversial voting rights law granting suffrage to anyone who had resided in New Caledonia for at least a decade. The decision led to widespread riots in the region, forcing President Emmanuel Macron to declare a state of emergency. Violence left over 20 per cent of the population unemployed, caused 13 tragic deaths, and destroyed over 6,000 jobs. The tumult has triggered an economic crisis, with damages exceeding two billion Euros and over 231 million Euros sent to New Caledonia to address mismanagement issues. Amidst this crisis, one question remains: what sparked this?
An Overview of New Caledonia
New Caledonia is an overseas collectivity of France, located in the southwestern Pacific Ocean, approximately 1,500 km east of Australia. It holds a distinctive political status, distinguishing it from other French overseas territories or departments. Despite its internal political institutions — including its own government, Congress, customary Senate, Parliament, and Economic Council — the region remains under the administrative authority of the French Ministry of Overseas Territories. Since 1986, the United Nations has classified New Caledonia as a Non-Self-Governing Territory, engaged in an ongoing process of decolonization. France nevertheless continues to exert considerable control over key areas through its monetary influence, via the colonial Franc Pacifique, and through control of immigration.
New Caledonia’s Colonial History
The archipelago became part of the French colonial empire in 1853 as a penal colony. Between 1863 and 1896, France sent over 24,000 convicts to New Caledonia. In 1887, France imposed the “Code de l’indigénat” in New Caledonia, subjecting the Indigenous population, the Kanaks, to forced labour while privileging French settlers. The law restricted the rights of the Kanak people and ignited their desire for independence.
In 1946, New Caledonia became an overseas French territory, granting citizenship to all its inhabitants and removing the “Code de l’indigénat.” However, the discovery of vast nickel reserves in the 1960s led to an influx of French workers known as a period of “recolonization.” In the 1970s, tensions between the Kanaks and the descendants of French settlers, known as Caldoches, escalated. In response to rising calls for self-determination, the French government proposed granting New Caledonia greater autonomy in 1984. However, the Kanak independence movement, led by the Kanak and Socialist National Liberation Front (FLNKS), found these offers insufficient. The formation of the FLNKS in 1984 marked the beginning of a long and bitter struggle for independence.
Two key agreements shaped New Caledonia’s future: 1988 Matignon Agreement and the 1998 Nouméa Accord. The former outlined a ten-year transition period leading to a local referendum. The latter promised greater local autonomy and postponed the independence referendum by 20 years while preventing newcomers after 1998 from voting in provincial elections to protect Kanak’s voting power. Three referendums followed (2018, 2020, 2021). In 2018 and 2020, majorities opposed independence. However, in 2021, a Kanak boycott over COVID-19 mourning customs that conflicted with the timing of the vote led 96 per cent opposition. Many Kanaks argued that the vote did not reflect true sentiments, believing that had it been postponed, fewer than 50% might have opposed independence, fueling calls for a fairer vote.
Renewed desire for Independence in 2024
On May 15, 2024, the French government announced a new voting rights law which grants suffrage to anyone living in New Caledonia for 10 years, igniting protests. According to UN experts, the law disregarded the commitments made in the Accord, which aimed to protect the Kanak population from being outvoted by French settlers and accelerate the decolonization process. They asserted, “the French government has failed to respect the basic rights to participation, consultation and free, prior, informed consent of the Kanak Indigenous Peoples and its institutions, including the Customary Senate.”
In response, Macron declared a state of emergency in New Caledonia, which included a curfew from 10 pm to 5 am and a ban on Tiktok for 14 days. On June 12, 2024, he suspended the new voting law, but by October 15, the escalating violence led Prime Minister Michel Barnier to remove the voting law and push back the provincial election that was supposed to be held in mid-December to the end of 2025.
In early January 2025, Alcide Ponga, a pro-French loyalist from the right-wing Rassemblement National who advocated for the territory’s continued integration with France, was elected president of New Caledonia. His election highlights that the region’s political future will continue to remain uncertain, and the pro-independence movement continues to face an uphill battle.
It’s Time for Independence
While President Macron claims that he wants to give New Caledonians the right to decide whether to pursue independence, Macron’s law reform was his attempt to open the voting pool to dilute the votes of the pro-independence Kanak minority. This move reflects France’s ongoing efforts to retain control over New Caledonia, a territory that provides significant economic and geopolitical advantages. In 2023, it was the third-largest producer of nickel in the world. Moreover, the territory’s strategic position in the Pacific allows France to maintain trade routes and geopolitical relevance in the region. However, these benefits are not felt by the Indigenous populations. Kanak leaders like Chief Htamuma shared, “Every day we are fed up, fed up of social inequalities, fed up of the marginalization of young people, of families who don’t have a job, who don’t even have the minimum.” He further added, “France caused all of this. We are all victims of history.” [Translated from French]. These words echo the pain and anger of people who have been ignored for far too long and desire independence. France’s refusal to do so shows that its interest in New Caledonia is driven by geopolitical aspirations rather than the well-being of its people.
The region’s mining sector, dominated by foreign companies, extracts its vast wealth but leaves the local population with few economic opportunities. The profits from nickel production are repatriated to France and the home countries of foreign companies, while taxes paid by these corporations flow to the French government rather than being reinvested in New Caledonia. Furthermore, these companies often employ workers from outside New Caledonia, leaving locals with few job opportunities and perpetuating economic dependence on France. New Caledonia’s small population of only 300,000 and its high cost of living add to its economic challenges, making the region unequipped for economic self-sufficiency.
The legacy of France’s policies has also affected New Caledonia, prioritizing European settlers and immigrant communities while systematically disenfranchising the Kanak population. As their population shrinks, Kanak fears of becoming strangers in their own land grow. In 2019, the population was composed of 40 per cent Indigenous Kanaks, 29 per cent descendants of European settlers, and 31 per cent immigrants, including Pacific Islanders and Asians. This complex demographic mix fuels ongoing tensions.. Colonial policies that prioritized settler communities while neglecting Indigenous needs are also strongly felt. 46 per cent of Kanaks lack a high school diploma, and only 8 per cent have a university degree compared to the higher education levels of non-Indigenous residents. The disparity is also reflected in New Caledonia’s poverty rates, with 32.5 per cent of Kanaks living in poverty compared to just 9 per cent of non-Kanaks as of 2019. Kanaks lack the opportunities to thrive making their desire for independence even stronger.
France’s refusal to grant New Caledonia true autonomy reflects neocolonialism. New Caledonia’s status as a French territory — despite being thousands of kilometres away — challenges the legitimacy of continued French rule. While some descendants of settlers and immigrants may oppose independence and rightfully wish to have their voices heard, the United Nations recognizes New Caledonia’s ongoing decolonization process since 1986. This right to self-determination should be respected, especially considering the historical oppression the Kanaks have endured under French colonial rule, including the discriminatory Code de l’Indigénat, a painful reminder of France’s colonial legacy. Independence would allow for economic restructuring and open doors to new geopolitical partnerships, especially with Russia, China, Azerbaijan, and Turkey, as these powerful actors support the region’s independence. Independence would also allow Indigenous populations to benefit from the resources that are being exploited from their territory. Without the right to self-determination, Kanaks not only risk losing their cultural identity but also control over the future of New Caledonia itself. By exploiting resources, marginalizing the Kanak population, and obstructing fair referendums, France prioritizes its own economic and political interests at the expense of the Kanaks’ right to self-determination.
Overall, independence would empower New Caledonia to build a government and economy that prioritizes Kanak’s interests. However, France still maintains its grip on New Caledonia, creating economic and political barriers that make achieving independence nearly impossible. Calls for independence or a fair referendum will only grow louder until Kanak’s voices are heard. Granting them this right is not just the path forward; it is the only way to ensure lasting peace and dignity for New Caledonia after years of demanding it.
Featured image: New Caledonia with France highlighted. Attributed to Wikimedia Commons. Licensed by Creative Commons Attribution-Share Alike 3.0 Unported.
Edited by Allison Dera
