Pierre Poilievre’s Digital Dominance Was Never Built to Last

In the age of social media, no political faction has leveraged the digital landscape as effectively as the modern right. Around the world, nationalist and populist movements have gained significant momentum. Just last month, Germany’s far-right saw a mass revival, with Alternative für Deutschland (AfD) winning more than 20 per cent of the vote. Social media played a key role in this shift—78 per cent of political content recommended by the TikTok algorithm in Germany supported the AfD, shaping voter perceptions. A similar dynamic has played out in the US, where Donald Trump’s inauguration in January brought major tech moguls eager to solidify their influence in politics.

According to Esli Chan, a political science lecturer and PhD candidate studying political media ecosystems at McGill University, “there is an intentional push to the ideological right by technology and platform leaders through platform and algorithmic design.” With these digital forces quietly shaping political attitudes online, Canada now faces a pivotal question: can Pierre Poilievre’s Conservatives ride this algorithmic wave to secure a victory in the federal election on April 28?

The short answer is that social media has overwhelmingly worked in Poilievre’s favour—and he knows it. On paper, his job over the next several weeks should be easy: he has spent years building a formidable online presence, amassing millions of followers across platforms. The Conservative party has also consistently outspent the Liberals on digital advertising, investing $8.5 million in 2023 alone. That trend continued into fall 2024, when they poured $329,100 into Meta ads compared to the Liberals’ meager $18,100—a stark illustration of their strategic focus on dominating the online conversation. “In funding these large social media campaigns,—they are more dominantly controlling their narrative in the media ecosystem,” explains Chan.

However, Poilievre’s campaign isn’t just about messaging; it’s about signalling affiliation. He regularly aligns with right-wing political pundits, amplifies their narratives, and strategically shadow-tags alt-right hashtags on YouTube to ensure his content reaches his intended audience. With all of these actions, Poilievre has seamlessly embedded himself into the social media landscape. The Conservative party exists in symbiosis with social media rather than forcing itself into current trends. For young conservatives, this messaging is unmistakable: without explicitly stating it, Poilievre’s digital presence signals that he is one of them.

Provocation, too, is in Poilievre’s political DNA. He made it his brand in Stephen Harper’s government and has continued to deliver radical yet catchy soundbites—promoting crypto, coining “Justinflation,” and taking jabs at the current government. Through memes and quick-hit media clips, he draws in an even wider audience—especially those who might not be in tune with the alt-right sides of social media. He gets your grievances, and he jokes about them just like you would. 

The Conservative party knows how the game works: posts from its MPs have received 61 per cent more engagement than those from Liberal and NDP politicians combined, with engagement surging by 52 per cent since Elon Musk’s takeover of Twitter. With the algorithm on their side, Poilievre and his team have leaned hard into the outrage machine—coinciding with steady polling gains—and it worked, until it didn’t. Despite having all the cards and a platform built for attention, Poilievre’s polling numbers took a sharp hit after Justin Trudeau’s resignation and Mark Carney’s swearing-in. So what changed?

Social media is a double-edged sword. Even with a well-executed strategy, Poilievre is now facing the consequences of a crucial oversight: social media runs on an attention economy—and that attention can be fleeting. “Poilievre put all his energy into the anti-Trudeau movement,” Chan explains. “But now that Trudeau has gone along with the carbon tax under Carney, he has to reposition his footing.”

His challenge now is to recalibrate his message beyond opposition politics. “He hasn’t significantly changed his playbook,” Chan adds. “He’s been saying the same things since 2022. If he doesn’t adapt, voters will move on.”

Poilievre built his social media empire on being the face of opposition. But now, with Trudeau out of the picture, the algorithm alone won’t save him. Social media may amplify a message, but it can’t manufacture a movement. If Poilievre fails to pivot and stay relevant, his digital dominance may soon be nothing more than a loud echo in a shrinking chamber.

Edited by Willa Morrison

Featured image: “Pierre Poilievre interview with TVA Nouvelles June 2024” by TVA Nouvelles is licensed under CC BY 3.0.